Laura Brown writes, "On the
face of it, the treatment of slavery in Oroonoko is neither coherent nor fully
critical. The romance motifs in
Oroonoko's story, based up on the elitist focus on the fate of African
'princes,' render ambiguous Behn's attack on the institution of slavery"
(240). Certainly Behn's description of
Oroonoko's physical appearance, his skin
"not of that brown, rusty Black which most of that Nation are" and
his nose "rising and Roman, instead of Arican and flat,"
coupled with that of his character, "He had nothing of Barbarity in his
Nature, but in all Points address'd himself, as if his Education had been some European
court," contribute to what Brown calls "Behn's description of
Oroonoko as a European aristocrat in blackface" (Behn 13; Brown 234). Also speaking to Behn's ambivalence, though
perhaps less obviously, are certain emphatic qualifiers she includes in these
early descriptions. When she attests to
the nobility of Oroonoko's character, she is careful to interject, "I . .
. do assure my Reader," and in her efforts to render his appearance akin
to that of Europeans, she stresses that his lips are "far from" those
of other Africans. With these
statements, she seems to be apologizing to her audience for her audacity in
attempting to humanize a black man or to be reassuring her readers that hers is
an effort only to offer an exception
to certain perceptions of Africans, rather than an attempt to humanize the
entire race. A simple explanation for
this may be that Behn viewed such appeasements as a pragmatic means of
combatting slavery from within existing paradigms, of presenting her readers only
with that which they were more readily inclined to hear in order to ultimately
effect, if slowly, change. Indeed, Brown
writes that Behn's description of a European-like Oroonoko, "does not
necessarily change the novella's emancipationist reputation; precisely this
kind of sentimental identification was in fact that staple component of
anti-slavery narratives in England and America for the next century and a
half" (234). More troubling, then,
perhaps, and more puzzling to me in terms of Behn's views, is the way in which
she represents Oroonoko's own perception of slavery.
Clearly, Oroonoko has no qualms
with the institution as the novella opens, as he is an active participant in
the slave trade; all enemies that his army "took in Battel, were sold as
Slaves" (Behn 11). His later speech
inciting his fellow slaves to flee reveals his logic in considering such a
system just: "'And why . . . shoul'd we be Slaves to an unknown
People? Have they Vanquish'd us Nobly in
Fight? Have they Won us in Honourable
Battel? And are we, by the chance of
War, become their slaves?" (52). To
be the losing party in a fair fight, then, is, to Oroonoko, to be deserving of
the fate of slavery. (That he is here disputing
the legitimacy of the Europeans' ownership of these slaves raises questions as
to how he originally viewed his selling of them, as his committing such a
transaction without conceiving of it as a legitimate transfer of ownership does
not seem in keeping with his character.
Had his views on the justness of taking enemy combatants as slaves
changed through his own experience of captivity, this would be less puzzling,
but as his speech makes clear, this is not the case.) What I was most struck by, however, in what
can certainly be seen as anti-slavery work, was Oroonoko's contempt for and
disregard of other slaves, even when he himself has become one.
There is, of course, the fact
that, when Oroonoko learns of Imoinda's pregnancy and becomes increasingly
anxious for his and his family's freedom, an immediate recourse is to offer
Trefy "a vast quantify of Slaves" in exchange for former’s liberation
(40). Even more surprising is the fact
that Oroonoko seems to posit slaves as weak, as "he accus'd himself of
having suffer'd Slavery so long; yet he charged that weakness on Love
alone" (42). Implied here is the
idea that slaves are somehow complicit in their captivity, a view that would
certainly do little to engender empathy in Behn's early audiences. This is reinforced when Oroonoko and the
other slaves are overcome by the white militia, and only he, Imoinda, and
Tuscan continue to resist. The actions
of his fellow escapees render Oroonoko “asham’d of what he had done, in
endeavoring to make those Free, who were by Nature Slaves” (56). The notion that individuals possessed by a fear
for their lives or those of their family, which, if a weakness, is certainly a
very common, very human one, deserve to live those lives in servitude to others,
would unlikely be of any efficacy in creating anti-slavery sentiment; it
suggests that slaves are only such because unwilling to risk their lives for
their freedom and are, if Oronooko himself is to be believed, therefore fit to
be slaves. Behn, then, through her
representation of Oronooko’s own views of slavery, speaks less of the injustice
of enslaving human beings than of the injustice of enslaving human beings of a
certain caliber. Even the title of the
novella suggests as much: This is not a story of slaves or of slavery, but of a special slave, a royal slave.
Julia, you make a very interesting argument here, and it is summed up nicely in your final sentence: "This is not a story of slaves or of slavery, but of a special slave, a royal slave." I thought about the aspect on whether or not Behn was arguing against slavery for through the course of my reading. The fact is that Oronooko did have slaves, and thus the honor in the tale only works for those who deserve to be honored. Moreover, the narrator implicates that he deserved to be honored because he was so much like Westerners--he wasn't "barbaric" (30). Still, I wonder if the simple explanation you gave in the opening of your post could be pressured a bit more to suggest that Behn was reluctant to more aggressively condemn enslavement (i.e. perhaps by making Oronooko an African with no royal blood line) because of the constraints she faced as a female writer experimenting with this new form of literature.
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